2002 Apush

Blue Block 3 APUSH 11/23/2012 2002 APUSH DBQ During 1825-1861, or the Antebellum Era, there were many different social, religious, institutional and educational reform movements. Though, the leaders behind these goals were aspiring for a surreal goal, a utopian society, what they formed was a vastly improved nation. Some of the reform movements were the temperance movement, the 2nd great awakening, abolitionist movement, and women's rights movement. These reform movements expanded the ideals of democracy.Socrates philosophized that in order for a democratic system to operate correctly free of corruption and for the people, the voters must be educated. Andrew Jackson also used this argument against the southern states during the nullification crisis, and the states said that they have no representation. Jackson stated that the people vote for their representatives, therefore, they were represented. Horace Mann was an educational reformer from Massachusetts.He also believed that a good public education system was a way to cut crime and create informed citizens. One of his beliefs was that schools should allow students of different backgrounds to attend their school. This theory encompasses the belief that all men are created equal. He also believed that education should be non-sectarian, which is inferred to by Thomas Jefferson in the 1st amendment. The Brook Farm Association was a utopian society experiment in 1841.The leaders of the experimental community sought to create a perfect society, in doing this they created a constitution. Stated within this constitution, is that an education would be provided, as said, â€Å"In order to more effectually promote the great purpose of human culture†¦ the benefits of the highest physical, intellectual and moral education†. The constitution also goes on to say that providing the education will help to create a more efficient industry and help make people be self-sufficient.

Anticipatory Socialization In Work Essay

The text defined anticipatory socialization as â€Å"learning and practicing a new role before one actually occupies the position.† In adolescence, anticipatory socialization does not require a high level of commitment from the individual. When one actually enters the world of work, as when one begins a career after schooling is completed, anticipatory socialization becomes a matter of assuming a role that one really wants, not a role that one thinks one wants to play. The classic example is the aspiring young corporate executive whose clothing, speech, reading materials, politics, and even sports interests emulate those of people occupying roles to which he aspires. For many, this emulation begins long before a specific job is taken. From observations of two graduate programs in business administration—one associated with a prestigious Catholic university of about 7,000 students, the other with a southern state university of about 15,000 students–this writer has drawn the following basic conclusions: A conscious effort is made in graduate training to indoctrinate students not only into the required technical skills but also into behavioral patterns that will be required of them as business people. Indeed, students overall grades and the kinds of recommendations they will receive depend more than a little on how well they have mastered those nontechnical, behavioral skills.’Research on medical training shows similar findings (Becker et al, 1961). Future doctors are expected to internalize â€Å"bedside manners† as well as to learn medical skills. Indeed, a recent article by J. B. Reuler et al. has projected a new emphasis on the importance of the bedside manner in doctor-patient relations (Jounral of the American Medical Association, 1980). Similar inferences can be drawn from research on blue-collar workers, although anticipatory socialization was not the focus of this research. Studies by Donald Roy and Ely Chinoy (much of which was based on the classic research in the 1930s by Roethlisberger and W. J. Dickson) indicate that the acceptance of primary work group values and norms, particularly as they relate to productivity, is a prerequisite to group membership (American Journal of Sociology, 1954, 1951-52). After membership is gained, both social and physical sanctions may be applied if the norms are violated. Recent research on young fishermen has revealed that anticipatory socialization begins very early in that occupation (Maiolo and Bort, 1980). Many adult fishermen do not want their children to fish for a living. Still, a sizable proportion of sons do follow in their fathers’ footsteps. As the youngsters accompany adult fishermen, they learn the special techniques of caring for gear and setting traps and nets. They begin to learn the language of predicting harvest levels and where the most productive fishing locations, or â€Å"sets,† are. Some try their hand at making boats, and some have been observed fishing alone at the early age of thirteen. The â€Å"correct† raingear is a treasured birthday gift, and the strategy of selling fish is a particularly important skill that is sought at a very early age. In sum, anticipatory socialization is a serious and ubiquitous phenomenon in the world of work. Further, that process includes the inculcation of social as well as technical skills. References American Journal of Sociology 60: 255-256, 1954. American Journal of Sociology 5: 453-459, 1951-1952. Becker, H., et al., Boys in White, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1961. Journal of the American Medical Association 243(3): 235-236, January 1980. Maiolo, J. and J. Bort, The Sociocultural Context of the North Carolina Shrimp Industry, Second Year Report, University of North Carolina Sea Grant, 1980.

Employee Ethics and Integrity Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

Employee Ethics and Integrity - Essay Example †¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦10 Appendix A†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦..11 Appendix B†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦..13 Abstract In order to create a more cohesive and effective organization, every entity of the organization must be fully aware of one’s role and expected output so as there is no confusion of conflict of tasks and obligations. This would also entail that there should be a set of ethics and rules of integrity that should be followed in whatever dealings of the organization so as to set a concrete guideline that needs to always be followed and not compromised. In this light, conflicts regarding decision making and the overall welfare of the organization will be well taken care of and would ultimately lead to a better performance. The top management even up to the lowest position, and any employee for that matter, shall not forsake such code and will do no such thing that will promote disillusionment within the ranks of the organization. The chain is only as strong as its weakest link, and with that premise, the organization’s success depends on each of its employees (Czimbal & Brooks, 2007). This is important to stress especially in merging or expanding organizations wherein it involves acquisition of existing other organizations. If the practice of integrity and ethics are not in parallel with one another, or if there is a breach of such, not only the newly acquired unit but most catastrophically the mother organization and its operations might be put in jeopardy. Thus, herein locat es the timely relevance of the Employee Code of Ethics that shall be observed by the whole company and any entity for that matter that is and will be involved with such the organization. Ethics Defined Before further proceeding on with defining what constitutes ethical responsibilities of an employee in an organization, we must first scrutinize what ethics is really all about and what it means. It must be first established that ethics is something that is external in nature to the employee. It is a system of rules that is set by a governing body and thus also offers the burden of implementation and sanction (Czimbal & Brooks, 2007), if need be. Therefore, it is clear that ethics comes from a certain higher entity than an employee and these are the codes of conducts that are expected from the constituents of the said entity. It may be an organization, a group, or a company, that will decide on the presiding body that will decide and implement such ethical conduct. This is important t o note since different job descriptions have different prescribed code of ethics but nonetheless the underlying principle still remains to promote doing what is right and fair in order to create a climate conducive to working and progress of healthy working environment. This also fosters the common interest of everyone in the organization. But this is where disagreement

Nursing organization Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Nursing organization - Essay Example ent elect, immediate past president, secretary, treasurer, four board members and an ex-officio run its affairs, ensuring that the association attains its objectives in the long run. Its functions include promotion of health, recovery and wellness by identifying mental health issues, preventing related problems and providing appropriate care and treatment to people with psychiatric disorders (APNA, 2013). The membership of APNA draws from all educational levels and a varied range of settings including military, forensic, private practice, outpatient and education among others. Currently, the total membership exceeds 8,000 members (APNA, 2013). These members benefit from professional growth and continuing education with access to its scholarships, networking and information access through its Member Bridge program and discounts on certification exams, long term insurance, conference registration fees and educational materials. The membership cost would depend on which of the five categories a member joins. Regular membership would be available to registered nurses, those paying dues and pursue endeavors furthering the association’s purposes. Such members might vote, seek directorship and serve in committees. A joining fee of $135.00 would apply with a monthly fee of $12.50. Mental health professionals not registered as nurses would join as affiliate members at a fee of $135.00. Affiliate membership attracts all membership benefits save for voting or holding office. International membership would be for those residing outside the US at a cost of $135.00 with the entitlement to all membership benefits. For retired registered nurses interested in participating in psychiatric-mental health activities, retired membership at a cost of $75.00 would be their reserve just as the student membership would be reserved for proven nursing students at a cost of $25.00. Student registered nurses could vote though they would not hold office. Among the accomplishments of APNA

Should overweight passengers be charged for two seats when flying Essay

Should overweight passengers be charged for two seats when flying - Essay Example This is already happening in the United States. The argument is raised since this is discrimination against passengers with obesity. To be charged by the kilo is quite embarrassing for somebody with twenty kilograms above the limit. If an individual is 20kg above the limit and is a regular flyer, they will actually suffer both emotionally and financially. Having to meet the fat tax expenses will be rather embarrassing (Sullivan 6). The majority of obesity and health organizations are supporting this suggestion claiming that it is only fair since the airline will need to carry extra weight. A number of airlines as an alternative make passengers who can not fit into one seat pay for two seats, for twice the cost of the journey (Appleton). Those who require extra seatbelt extension will have to buy a new an update or purchase an extra seat. America has for a long time taxed and charged to discourage some manners. Taxes in cigarettes are increasing, taxes in liquor are rising in various states, seatbelts are now mandatory by law and some particular areas are currently charging obese workers more for health insurance. For better or worse, the tendency to transform behavior through economics is upon us. As medical expenses rises the debate over charging for obesity is indeed only going to grow. Airlines are too increasingly subject to customer grievances and even losing court cases over travelers being injured by fellow obese passengers. Using two seats uses twice the fuel. This actually sounds nice even though this may not be true. The space which a passenger takes does not affect the amount of fuel used but the weight may affect (Appleton). It sounds good even if it is not actually true. The space you take does not impact on fuel, the weight does. The question arises as to whether a weight lifter weighing more and has more mass of muscles must also be charged more. This could be just a technique used by the airlines to get more money from the passengers. There are writings seen in one of the American airlines. It said something to the effect that if you can not fit into the seat, you will have to pay for a second seat and that if the seats are not fully occupied; you will only pay a child's fare on the second seat (Kate) There are some necessities regarding the seat being a window seat or something of that sort. The airlines prerequisite is that if an individual can not fit in the seat without hanging over the arm rest then he will be charged twice and it sounded like a fair rule. The airline companies should come up with a practical means of determining who is overweight and who is not. It is even better to argue that an individual is overweight due to medical reasons other than the notion that one is lazy and overweight. The airlines must not be forced to give an individual a free extra seat since he or she can not fit in one. The person has to pay for his or her seat, likewise to overweight individuals. That is prejudice and another effort by the airlines to make more money. The airline seats are actually too small period. Tall individuals, overweight individuals and skinny individuals are all not comfortable in a flight. The airlines in their effort once more to make more money squeezed in as many seats as possible at the expense of comfort of passengers. People complain that they don not want to sit next to an overweight passenger as a trick to get bumped

Krafts Marketing and Sales Strategy Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Krafts Marketing and Sales Strategy - Assignment Example Kraft’s respond to the macro-environment of China is through research of the different demography of Chinese consumers, their capacity to purchase, and their eating patterns.   This led Kraft to reinvent the traditional Oreo cookies to Chinese style cookies; from cookie form to wafer and lesser sweet, the packaging and the content of the package (wherein the original content is 14 Oreos which costs 72 cents reduced to fewer pieces of Oreos and costs only 29 cents), and the Chinese style Oreo can withstand the extreme climate of both Northern and Southern region of China.   In the micro-environment, Kraft responded in dealing with the management team, wherein all the members of the management team were replace by entrepreneurial team of local Chinese managers thus, creating positive output of introducing Oreo to Chinese consumers.   Kraft also outsourced marketing teams, in the form of students to become ambassadors of Oreo wherein, the job of these local students is to c ampaign the Oreo to 300,000 consumers cents reduced to fewer.   These ambassadors also campaigned the Oreo through basketball wherein, introducing the Oreo being dunked in the milk.This type of strategy also helped Kraft to be responsive to global environment’s opportunities.   They also studied the eating habits and preferences of different countries and were able to produce Kraft products according to the preferences of the consumers in different countries.  ... Kraft considered other alternatives to make Chinese consumers patronize Oreo cookies. OREOS AND MILK, CHINESE STYLE 4 Discussion In 1996, Kraft Foods introduced Oreo cookies in China in the form of the original top-selling Oreo cookies of the U.S. However, even a lot of marketing effort has been done, the sales of the Oreo cookies in China remained flat. This statement is supported with my aforementioned discussion in the research. The study is limited to Kraft Food and its marketing strategy in selling Oreo cookies in China. Kraft’s respond to the macro-environment of China is through research of the different demography of Chinese consumers, their capacity to purchase, and their eating patterns. This led Kraft to reinvent the traditional Oreo cookies to Chinese style cookies; from cookie form to wafer and lesser sweet, the packaging and the content of the package (wherein the original content is 14 Oreos which costs 72 cents reduced to fewer pieces of Oreos and costs only 29 cents), and the Chinese style Oreo can withstand the extreme climate of both Northern and Southern region of China. In the micro-environment, Kraft responded in dealing with the management team, wherein all the members of the management team were replace by entrepreneurial team of local Chinese managers thus, creating positive output of introducing Oreo to Chinese consumers. Kraft also outsourced marketing teams, in the form of students to become ambassadors of Oreo wherein, the job of these local students is to campaign the Oreo to 300,000 consumers. These ambassadors also campaigned the Oreo through basketball wherein, introducing the Oreo being dunked in the milk. This type of strategy also helped Kraft to be responsive to global environment’s

The Claims of Liberation Theology Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

The Claims of Liberation Theology - Essay Example This means that the liberation theology of a Gustavo Gutirrez is substantially the same as that of a Christian laborer in northeastern Brazil. The basic content is the same. The sap that feeds the branches of the tree is the same sap that passes through the trunk and rises from the hidden roots underground. The distinction between the levels is in their logic, but more specifically in their language. Theology can be more or less articulate; popular theology will be expressed in everyday speech, with its spontaneity and feeling, whereas professional theology adopts a more scholarly language, with the structure and restraint proper to it. It is not hard to see what liberation theology is when one starts at its roots-that is, by examining what the base communities do when they read the Bible and compare it with the oppression and longing for liberation in their own lives. But this is just what professional liberation theology is doing: it is simply doing it in a more sophisticated way. On the middle level, pastoral theology uses a language and approach that draw on both the ground level and the scholarly level. Truth, in the Bible, includes fidelity, justice, and firmness. ... The fulfillment takes place in history, and thus, God appears truthful through history. Christ is the fulfillment of the Father's promise which makes us his children in him. This is according to the acts and words of Jesus. The Father fulfills his promise in the death and resurrection of Jesus. To be a Christian is to accept that the promise begins to be fulfilled and realized in a historical context. In the Bible, the act of knowing is not relegated to a purely intellectual level. There exists contemporary yearn for a mechanical correspondence in the relationship between knowing and transforming and living a truth which verifies itself in history. Nevertheless, the cultural world in which we live allows us to discover a starting point and a horizon in which we can delineate a theological reflection which must appeal to its own sources. The theology of liberation differs from such theologies as those of development, revolution, and violence not only in a different analysis of reality based on more universal and radical political options, but above all, in the very concept of the task of theology. The theology of liberation does not intend to provide Christian justification for positions already taken and does not aim to be a revolutionary Christian ideology. It is a reflection which makes a start with the historical praxis of people. It seeks to rethink the faith from the perspective of that historical praxis, and it is based on the experience of the faith derived from the liberating commitment. For this reason, this theology comes only after that involvement; the theology is always a second act. (Bonino, 1975, 109-14) Its themes are, therefore, the great themes of all true

ANTI-GLOBALIZATION MOVEMENT Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2500 words

ANTI-GLOBALIZATION MOVEMENT - Essay Example Participants of anti-globalization crusade oppose to what they view as huge, multi-national firms having unfettered political power, applied via trade agreements as well as decontrolled financial markets. Precisely, multinationals are blamed of pursuing to capitalize on profit to the detriment of work standards and safety conditions, labor hiring as well as compensation standards, legitimacy, sovereignty and independence of national statutory. Many counter-globalization activists necessitate practices of worldwide integration that provide better democratic representation, fair trade, human rights advancement as well as sustainable development. The 1999 WTO convention in Seattle, United States, that was to unveil fresh visionary trade negotiations, was surpassed by controversial and massive street protests that marked the second wave of the anti-globalization crusade. Many of arguments followers of anti-globalization make encompass market failures. Market failures are also known as multinationals, mainly since the magnitude of these firms has permitted them to subvert and circumvent guidelines made in earlier centuries. Though there were indeed conglomerates before the contemporary era of globalization, the people who study international business would contend their power and reach have not ever been grander than today. In the last 2 eras, a worldwide consuming frenzy has consolidated much of content production (for instance, movies and music) to the influences of very few huge companies. The content consolidation itself is not comparatively harmless, that is why Barber Benjamin (1995) is hasty to indicate that with no content, hardware producers (the creators of radios and televisions) nor content supply systems (satellite and cable firms) have a valuable product.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   A remarkable instance of this may be v iewed in the novel ‘Sirius’ radio and ‘XM Radio’ systems. Though still bound to content, their systems necessitate proprietary hardware (as well as a monthly payment) for right to use (Barber 1995). Therefore, the standardized ‘radio’, a commodity that has is astonishingly inexpensive to produce (as well as to procurement), is supplanted by trademarked technology that because of latest legislation is illicit to evade or swap engineer within the U.S.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Market failures are a reasonably more argumentative issue amid the numerous authors, as every one of them draws a line amid ‘fierce competitor’ as well as ‘monopolist’ rather contrarily. The antitrust lawsuits against Microsoft within Europe and the US validate this perfectly. Many of the writers writing about this issue do settle that there exists a position where rivalry culminates and market control begins; in addition, they al so settle that on that fact governments have to take control to restrain the immoderations of corporations that become very powerful. Most of these writers also emphasize that the evolution of multinational establishments has rendered domestic economies â€Å"no longer manageable†. Others, nevertheless, oppose the national administrations are still capable of controlling corporations in their frontiers if the political self-control exists. Market Creep    The biggest problem that most of followers venturing a place within the anti-globalization movement have is the notion that Democracy ‘the one individual, one vote’ is being supplanted by something that is more market-driven ‘one dollar, one (Barber 1995).

Doing Business in China Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Doing Business in China - Essay Example It is a challenge that every businessman should take if they want to succeed. This paper provides information on how to do business in China. Relying on current literature for ideas and examples, it gives recommendations on how to deal with the Chinese and establish business in China. According to Hamilton and Jhang (2012; p.4), â€Å"China is one of the most dynamic markets in the world in which change is the only constant.† By saying this, Hamilton and Jhan point out two things about China. The first one is dynamism, and the second is change. These two things suggest the main challenge in doing business in China. Dynamism is evident in the country’s culture, political makeup and religious beliefs while change is constant and rapid in its economy. Therefore, knowing aspects of dynamism and change will give businessmen an edge in their Chinese ventures. Culture Dynamism can be found in every aspect of the culture. Importantly, every foreign capitalist should be aware of the Chinese culture in order to act according to it. Otherwise one will lose all the chance to even start business in China. Culture is a very important aspect in doing business. There are practices that should be observed and non-observance would mean ignorance and lead to failure. The most important value that the Chinese has when doing business is guanxi. This term means goodwill. ... West (2007) claims that in doing business with the Chinese, especially with the northerners, one must exercise, â€Å"eat first, talk later.† This is the same throughout China but the southerners have become more Westernized in doing business, especially Shanghai people. Nevertheless, the culture of guanxi is respected throughout the Mainland. Establishing guanxi is like developing brotherhood in the West. Along with it is showing genuine sincerity with Chinese partners. According to Hamilton and Jhang (2012), genuine sincerity goes a long way in China but not all businessmen realize its importance. Non-Chinese people think of Chinese as corrupt, possibly because of the practice of guanxi but they should understand that guanxi is not similar to bribery. Many Chinese do not accept bribes for jobs they ought to do. For instance, one taxpayer gave a significant amount of money to a banker in gratitude for the fast transactions they had with the bank. When the banker saw it, he di d not feel the need for the gift and credited the amount to the company’s account. This act illustrates that bribery is not the way to do business in China. Similarly, foreign visitors are not obliged to give tips to the Chinese. Tips in hotels and restaurants are welcome but they are not expected. The Chinese people appreciate tips even in small amounts but they will do their job even without tips. Greeting them, exchanging stories and smiles are more valued, as it goes with business. One thing that is valued much in China is presence. According to Hamilton and Jhang (2012), visiting often will create goodwill among the Chinese. They cite that Hank Paulson, former CEO of Goldman Sachs, spent 70 visits in China, thus making him well-regarded in the country. Another man named Jim Rogers, an

Kinematics analysis of data Essay Example for Free

Kinematics analysis of data Essay From the data we gathered on this experiment, the effects of the height of the track can greatly affect the acceleration of the cart. Base on the data on the table, the higher the height of the track will have higher acceleration and will lead to higher sinÃŽ ¸. From this, it implies that the higher the displacement of the track will lead to the higher acceleration of the cart. The reason why the cart will have higher acceleration to higher displacement is because of the continues gravitational pull to the cart without restriction to its track. Time and the inclination of the track are interrelated to each other. As for the higher the inclination of the track will lead to shorter time to takes the cart to goes down to the track. The time will become shorter because as for the higher the inclination of the track will also have higher acceleration which means the cart will become faster and that’s why it will takes shorter time to goes down to the track. The difference between the picket fence’s acceleration and the value of g is the value of the slope of a graph of average velocity versus time will be the acceleration due to gravity of the falling object. And also the value of g is the computed value for the free fall acceleration, while the picket fence’s acceleration is the value that gathered by manual experimentation for the free fall acceleration, that is also why the data on the g of table 2 and the data on table 3 have the similarities on the digits or values.

Common Moral Purpose in Organizations

Common Moral Purpose in Organizations Please answer all the following questions based on Weeks 2, 3, 4 and 5 and submit your answers through Turnitin by Sunday 2nd April at 11.59pm. Answers to each question should be around 250 words. Please use your textbook and journal articles to support your answers (2 to 3 references per question including the textbook required) Question 1: Do you think the term used by Barnard common moral purpose (pg. 103) is a good way to describe what happens in work organizations? Why or why not? (Please have a look at chapter 4: The Human Organisation to support your answer) A common moral purpose is somewhat of a good way to describing how an organisation functions according to Chester Barnard. It is appropriate in some aspects as individuals are usually advised of the companys goals and how to achieve them. Employees go to work to achieve a common purpose, whether that be creating a product or providing a service to customers. Usually their job descriptions and roles will relate to the companys objectives and long term goals. In this way employees do all have a common moral purpose. However, the concept of organised collective activity, in which individuals put the companies needs and objectives above their own may not always be possible to achieve. However, Barnard theorised that it can be accomplished through incentives such as recognition or rewards. This may encourage employees to be more productive, although if their main purpose is to come to work just to make a living, rather than to achieve the companys goals, incentives may not work effectivel y. The motives of the employees must be matched with companies for a common moral purpose to be achieved. Nevertheless, it has been suggested that an individuals personality may not be adequately overpowered by the forces of the common moral purpose. Employees must value companys ideas and believe in them. If this occurs a common moral purpose will be more easily achieved. El-Harber, N 2016, Foundations of Management, 1st Edition, New South Wales Mourkogiannis, 2005, Strategy + Business, The Realists Guide to Moral Purpose, blog post, November 23rd, viewed 27th March 2017 https://www.strategybusiness.com/article/05405?gko=fea8f Question 2: Rational-bureaucratic organizations are supposed to develop the best means to achieve their goals. Based on your reading of Chapter 5 (pg. 56), what would you say are some of the obstacles to making the best decisions about ways to reach a goal or solve a problem? Do some organizations have a more difficult time with this than others? What kinds of goals or problems do they deal with? (Please have a look at chapter 5: Bureaucracy, Rationalisation and Organisation theory to support your answer) The rational-bureaucratic organizational model is built on the machine metaphor of organisations that draws an analogy between the relationship among the parts of a mechanical device and the relationship among positions in an organisation. (El-Haber, 2016, p.56) This theory was conceived by Max Weber. It utilises a formal hierarchy, specialization, impersonality and promotion based on qualification and achievements, to help a company achieve their goals. These elements assist in accomplishing a fair and equal work place, clear directions and which then aids employees with who to seek guidance from. Yet there are still obstacles when applying this model in the workplace. The strict and rigid conformity to rules and procedures can undermine the companys main objectives. This occurs as employees are heavily focused on obeying company policies leading them to overlook the companys goals. This could then result in lessen productivity. In an organisation where products are produced, this c ould affect the end product. Another pitfall of this model is the assumption that a formal position equates to automatic authority. Authority and respect must be earnt by the authority figure and not demand. If it is, it may cause resentment and lessened productive among employees. Weber also believe that the most technically able employees should be put into these formal positions. This may be a contradiction as he stated that promotion should be able on qualifications and achievements. Someone may be highly technically able, but may lack the interpersonal skills and qualifications to effectively manage and liaise with employees. Although Webers model can benefits in achieving goals, it may negative affect product due to its disadvantages. El-Harber, N 2016, Foundations of Management, 1st Edition, New South Wales Stanley, H 1959, Journal article, Bureaucracy and Rationality in Webers Organization Theory: An Empirical Study, Vol. 24, No. 6, p. 791 795, 29th March 2017, https://www.jstor.org/stable/2088566?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents

Critique of the Movie Educating Rita Essay -- Movies Film Educating Ri

Critique of the Movie Educating Rita Director: Lewis Gilbert Screenwriter: Willy Russell Released: 1983 With Julie Walters, Michael Caine, and others Rita (Julie Walters) is a twenty-six years old hairdresser from Liverpool who has decided to get an education. Not the sort of education that would get her just a better job or more pay, but an education that would open up for her a whole new world--a liberal education. Rita wants to be a different person, and live an altogether different sort of life than she has lived so far. She enrolls in the Open University, a government program that allows non-traditional students to get the kind of higher education that used to be reserved more or less for the offspring of the upper classes, and mainly for male students at that. "Educating Rita" describes the trials and transformations that the young hairdresser has to go through to develop from a person with hardly any formal schooling at all into a student who passes her university exams with ease and distinction. In the course of telling this story, the film also suggests what the essence of a liberal education may be. The story is presented in the form of a comedy, a comedy that revolves around the personal and pedagogical relationship between Rita and her main teacher, Dr. Frank Bryant (Michael Caine). Frank Bryant teaches comparative literature, and it is his job to prepare Rita for her exams. Unfortunately, Frank Bryant has lost all enthusiasm for his academic field and its related teaching duties. He loathes most of his regular students, and the main function of the rows of classical works that still fill the bookshelves in his office is to hide the whiskey bottles without which he is not able to get through the day and the semesters anymore. When he teaches his regular classes he is frequently drunk, and in response to a student's complaint that students are not learning much about literature in Bryant's class, the burned-out teacher gruffly advises: "Look, the sun is shining, and you're young. What are you doing in here? Why don't you all go out and do something? Why don't you go and make lo ve--or something?" Frank Bryant is a disenchanted intellectual who has no real use anymore for literature, culture, or the life of the mind. Introducing working people in particular to the world of higher education seems utterly pointless to him. When he find... ... having overcome the limitations of her old world through education, and by recognizing the limitations of what she has acquired at the University, she finds herself in the same situation as Frank: in some sort of existential Australia where "everything is only just starting." She has choices to make, and it is her having grown beyond old forms of life that gives her the freedom to make these choices. This in the end is the essence of her education, and the essence of any liberal education as such: the knowledge-based ability to step back from all form of life, the capability to deliberate freely, and then to embark on a course of action that does not grow out of established patterns and unexamined impulses, but out of critical reflection and informed decisions. What Rita thanks Frank for at the end, and what has made him a "good teacher" during all her trials, is that he has helped her to get into this position: "You have given me a choice." Education, in other words, is liberat ion. It is the emancipation of a person from a state of being a mere extension of a given environment to an active agent who can choose who she or he will be: a potential creator of his or her own world.

Eating Disorders Essay -- essays research papers fc

Eating Disorders   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  One of the most prevalent disorders amongst the youth of this era is eating disorders. While some overlook it and don’t think it is a problem eating disorders should be given serious consideration. This is because the psychological ramification of eating disorders tends to have lasting effects over the course of the adolescents’ life.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  An eating disorder is any of various psychological disorders, such as anorexia nervosa or bulimia, which involves insufficient or excessive food intake. They are a silent epidemic and a exceedingly negative response to a misinterpretation of one’s role in the world. Adolescents with eating disorders are usually convinced they’re ugly, worthless, and untalented. While some overlook it and don’t think it is a problem it should be given serious consideration because the psychological ramifications of such a disorder has lasting effects over the course of the adolescents life. While eating disorders are a serious problem there are two distinct forms of eating disorders. One is anorexia and the other is bulimia.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Anorexia nervosa is characterized by self-starvation to avoid obesity. This is also known as the "starvation sickness" or the "dieter’s disease". Statistics show that 95% of all anorexics are women found primarily in upper-middle class homes ranging from ages 12 to 18. (Maloney, 81). A person dealing with this sort of disorder is usually, striving for perfection has low self-esteem, and sometimes feels they don’t deserve to eat.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Anorexia usually starts when they or someone else feels that the anorexic needs to lose some weight. They feel good when they start losing the weight because they feel they have reached and made progress on their goal. Unfortunately, this causes physical damage and sometimes-even death. Statistics have estimated about 10% will eventually die. (Patterson, 31). Although as an adolescent most go on a diet and give it up in about a week or two, anorexics don’t. If one is suffering from this they have signs and symptoms such as: noticeable weight loss, excessive exercising, odd eating habits, feeling cold, dressing in baggy clothes, irregular menstruation, a frequent feeling of insecurity, loneliness, inadequacy, and helplessness.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  There is no one single reason for anorexia, or how it goes unnoticed, but there are some explanations. One is that the perso... ...e without proper treatment and acknowledgement. People need to be educated about the disease and that the so-called 'glamour' looks aren’t so pretty after all in fact looks unhealthy. What happened to the healthy curvatious Marilyn Monroe look? Now there is the unsightly look of bones sticking out of skin. Young teens want to be like the famous ones. People that are looked at as role models are pressured but if they were to all rebel against this and think about what they stand for perhaps things would change to the way they used to be, or even better. This is a serious matter that people need to be educated about. The disease will prevail and many young women will suffer a great deal of their lives if it is left ignored. Works Cited Abraham, Suzanne, and Derek Llewellyn-Jones Eating   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Disorders: the facts. Oxford New   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  York: Oxford   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  University Press, 1997. Claude-Pierre, Peggy The Secret Language of Eating   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Disorders. New York: Times   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Books 1997. Maloney, Michael, and Rachel Kranz Straight talk about   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  eating disorders. New York:   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Facts on File, 1991. Patterson, Charles Eating Disorders. Austin tex: Raintree   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Steck-Vaughn, 1995.

Body and Nature as Signifying System in A Thousand Acres Essay

Body and Nature as Signifying System in A Thousand Acres The female body, in literature as in other texts, functions as a kind of signifying system; a site of continuous signification. Traditionally, this has been understood in terms of transposing patriarchal or even misogynist cultural values onto the construction of the female body. In A Thousand Acres, however, Smiley turns this around. Just as this novel tries to gain control of the discourse of King Lear, and of metaphors of women therein, it also foregrounds the body as a textual matrix through which the subject can understand herself and the world. For Ginny Cook, social interaction escapes the realm of language, because so much of what is going on is hidden and because Larry is this silent signifier that only has to be to signify. Instead, she processes the information bodily. Thinking of Caroline's snubbing of her sisters when getting married, Ginny "realized that I felt the insult physically, an internal injury." (139) Later, shame, one of the feelings most often arising in Ginny with impetu... Body and Nature as Signifying System in A Thousand Acres Essay Body and Nature as Signifying System in A Thousand Acres The female body, in literature as in other texts, functions as a kind of signifying system; a site of continuous signification. Traditionally, this has been understood in terms of transposing patriarchal or even misogynist cultural values onto the construction of the female body. In A Thousand Acres, however, Smiley turns this around. Just as this novel tries to gain control of the discourse of King Lear, and of metaphors of women therein, it also foregrounds the body as a textual matrix through which the subject can understand herself and the world. For Ginny Cook, social interaction escapes the realm of language, because so much of what is going on is hidden and because Larry is this silent signifier that only has to be to signify. Instead, she processes the information bodily. Thinking of Caroline's snubbing of her sisters when getting married, Ginny "realized that I felt the insult physically, an internal injury." (139) Later, shame, one of the feelings most often arising in Ginny with impetu...

Delivering Customer Value Though Marketing Essay

Assignment: i) Describe and analyse the brand’s product, market positioning, pricing strategies and its target segment. ii) Critically evaluate if the brand’s marketing activity is delivering values to its customers. Why? iii) Suggest ways in which the brand can improve in its marketing strategies or activities. i) Describe and analyse the brand’s product, market positioning, pricing strategies and its target segment About UNIQLO: UNIQLO is a Japanese causal wear retailer. It is also a wholly owned subsidiary of Fast retailing Co. Ltd. The first UNIQLO was opened in Japan in 1984. Across years, successful brand strategies enable UNIQLO to be the fourth fashion retailer in sales volume in 2013, just right after Zara, H&M and Gap. Marketing mix is a useful tool to analyze UNIQLO’s strategies and its product development direction among competitors. Marketing Mix (4P): Overview UNIQLO’s product: UNIQLO provides a wide range of clothing, including Men’s, Women’s, Children’s, and even in Baby’s wear. UNIQLO manages this range of products  in order to satisfy the needs of different age groups and genders. Especially children and baby wear, not all its competitors provide these two lines, this can satisfy customers’ need. UNIQLO has their own R&D team, to design the latest fashion and life-style wear to customer. Also, its materials sourcing team help to bring the most suitable and sometimes the luxury materials into product development in order to give the best wearing experience to customers. Such as premium down, cashmere sweaters and premium cotton are the good examples. UNIQLO gain customer’s trust in quality guaranty. UNIQLO’s price: UNIQLO’s products are not expensive comparing to its competitors, such as Gap, Zara, etc. Although UNIQLO’s clothing requires similar price with other fast fashion retailers, its quality is relatively higher than them. It is due to the most fundamental UNIQLO’s direction, â€Å"Low price, high quality†. UNIQLO’s Place: UNIQLO’s strategies are for both local (Japan) and international. Stores are all over the world, including Japan, America, Euro, China, East and south Asia. This can show the determination of UNQLO to expand its business and build the brand internationally. All the stores of UNIQLO, are in central area, or popular district in the cities. Take Hong Kong UNIQLO as an example, there are totally 21 UNIQLO stores in Hong Kong. The flagship UNIQLO store is in causeway bay Lee Theater, which is the most popular shopping area in Hong Kong. UNIQLO apply the same store strategy internationally, such as Tokyo, Osaka store in Japan, Shanghai store in China, New York 5th ave in USA. Another strategy to make UNIQLO a good place to shop is their total sale-floor method. UNIQLO tries to enlarge the floor area in every shop and include as many departments and clothing display as they can in the store. That can provide the convenience to customers to buy their favorite things in only one station. And the big display area can attract customer’s focus to their products and give a confidence that UNIQLO can provide everything that they need. UNIQLO’s promotion: New product development process in many other companies is very simple. Usually, from idea generation, testing, product producing and so on. However in UNIQLO, the first step of product development is customer feedback. That means all products in UNIQLO are responding to customer. This is also the concept they are promoting to the potential customer. â€Å"Cheap, simple design, but is perfect fit for daily use with a good quality†. This sentence shows that UNIQLO is promoting their image to public. Another way is UNIQLO promotes their products by sport sponsorship. Take Japan market as example, football league is extremely hot among Japanese. So, UNIQLO make good use of this opportunities to sponsor the uniform for a football team in J.League to increase visibility and exposure. Also, UNIQLO is the uniform sponsor for Japan’s Olympic athletics in 1998, 2002 and 2004. They also sponsor uniform for tennis players in high rank tennis competition. Exposure in different sport events can successfully promote UNIQLO as a very good ready-to-wear clothing brand to public. Market positioning: The clothing concept of UNIQLO is very strict forwards, which is â€Å"Low cost, and high quality†. They produce clothing with simple but fashionable design and good quality for wearing in every day. Their tremendous business expansion can prove that they successfully build their concept to customer and this represent that their business is on the tract. There are four factors that can help to analyze UNIQLO’s positioning, they are: 1. Product quality 2. Prices 3. Distribution 4. Image 1. Product quality UNIQLO is always proud of their products’ quality. Their CEO Tadashi Yanai had said that, they are a technology company rather than a fashion company. Their high quality clothing enables them to be worn every day. UNIQLO is positioning their product in a relatively higher quality compare to other fast fashion companies, such as Zara , H&M. These company concern fashion trend more than quality. However, UNIQLO is not a luxury brand, so their quality is not comparable to other luxury brand, such as LV, Gucci, etc. 2. Prices UNIQLO’s concept is â€Å"Low cost, but High Quality†. UNIQLO’s price is fair, but they offer a better quality of clothes at the similar price compare to other fast fashion companies. UNIQLO’s price is not the cheapest one, but quality is the highest among its market competitors. 3. Distribution All the products UNIQLO selling are in their own stores. They do not have franchises or displays in department stores. So they can control all the promotion or logistics without third parties’ constrain. It is known as â€Å"SPA† (Specialty-store of Private-label Apparel), selling their own product in their store and exclusively. Take Hong Kong UNIQLO as an example, they have 21 stores in Hong Kong, which has a broader coverage than its main competitors. Zara only have 7 stores in Hong Kong. However, comparing to the local competitors like Bossini and Giordino, UNIQLO does not have a greater advantage in store numbers, but their number of stores are already much higher than other international fast fashion brand in Hong Kong market. 4. Image UNIQLO is selling clothes with their functionality rather than fashion style. So, their image to customer is very simple, which is basic, simple, cheerful and comfortable. Comparing to Zara, and H&M , UNIQLO’s image is linked to quality and simple to mix and match for every day while the former two competitors focus more on trendy and fashion but sometime not easy to carry. Position Map: In this part, I am going to simply illustrate UNIQLO’s position with the position map by considering only two factors, Quality, and Price. LV & Gucci surely come to the top rank in both quality and price because they are luxury brands which have a very different position comparing to UNIQLO. UNIQLO, Zara and H&M can be grouped together due to their fast fashion nature. The price of their products is similar, but UNIQLO provides the highest quality while H&M is the last one. Bossini or other local fashion chains usually don’t provide a very high quality, but they have local network and channels to sell their product. They sell their product in a lower price comparing to other international brands in order to sell more and earn more. Local small bountique is the bottom one, in both quality and price. They target those people who concern money only but not quality. Target segment & Pricing Strategies: In this part, we need to identify UNIQLO’s target segment and then to anaylse it’s price strategies. Target segment: Few background recall: UNIQLO’s concept is â€Å"low cost, high quality† as mentioned above. Its products are sold within a reasonable range. It provides a wide range of products including men’s, women’s , children’s and babies’ . Its style is â€Å"simple but trendy, easy to mix and match† . Then we can analyse the market segment by parts. Targeting: a) Demographics Age: Babies – Right target of it’s babies line Children – Right target of it’s children line Adolescent – Right target of it’s Men’s and women’s lines Adult – Right target of it’s Men’s and women’s lines Mature – Non-target , due to less fashion requirement of this group Elderly – Non-target , due to less fashion requirement of this group Gender: Both female and male are their targets Income: The target customers’ income is low to medium, due to its cost and its pricing level. b) Psychographics Value: For people who have a basic requirement on trend and pursuing good quality on clothing. Lifestyle: UNIQLO’s clothing is simple and comfortable. It is suitable for people who always have light exercise and sports in their living habits. Pricing strategies: After analyzing UNIQLO’s target segment, we found that their target population is very large. In order to enlarge the target group, a penetration price strategy is adopted by UNIQLO. Their target’s income is not high, they must have a price sensitive characteristic. So, UNIQLO try to maintain the products in a low to reasonable price to match the target’s income. In this sense, UNIQLO can make profit only when high volume of sales has been made. ii) Critically evaluate if the brand’s marketing activity is delivering values to its customers. Why? Customer value is the benefit that people will derive from their purchase of the goods or service. In this case, it means if UNIQLO’s marketing direction can generate benefit to customer after they bought the products. Overall, I think the existing brand activities of UNIQLO can deliver value to their  target customers because of the below reasons. 1. Technology focus: UNIQLO owns many technologies that its competitors do not have, such as Heat-tech, anti-smelling, lighting down, anti-UV, etc. These are the material advantages from competitors, indeed it gives extra value to customer and more attractive to buy UNIQLO but not buying other brands 2. Simple â€Å"trendy† design, There are not many fashion pioneers in the world. Most of the people in the world are relatively simple, especially UNIQLO’s target. UNIQLO hires some famous designers to develop a hybrid type of clothing that perfectly merge basic into trendy. It makes their â€Å"basic† wear easily to be carried and extra â€Å"fashion† value added onto it although people originally is seeking for basic style. 3. Convenient store location, Take Hong Kong UNIQLO as an example, it owns 21 stores in Hong Kong. All of the stores are in population area, such as Kowloon Tong, Causeway bay, Tsim Sha Tsui, Sha Tin, etc. Convenient stores location means customers can enjoy service or purchase easier. And after-sell service, such as goods return, can be accessed easily to customers. It is an intangible value. 4. Pricing strategies UNIQLO produces all the products by its manufacturing sites. So it can minimize the cost , and then sell them in a lower price. Its penetration strategy enables more people to access their products. Also, with their advanced technology and materials choosing, the ratio of price to quality can be utilized greatly to customers. 5. Excellent store visual merchandising, UNIQLO did very well in visual merchandising. First of all, different styles are well organized and distributed in distant area. In some multicolor basic shirts sectors, they make the whole sector to be more cheerful and colorful by folding the shirts subsequently and orderly. It can let customers to find  the color they want more easier and enhance visual conditions. Also, UNIQLO can let your family to buy clothes for all gender and age groups in only one stop. Every store of UNIQLO sell men’s, women’s and children’s at the same site. Their professional store visual management can increase buyer experience and enjoyment in shopping. All these marketing activities from UNIQLO can perfectly match the need of their target customers. So, we can say that UNIQLO is generating benefits to customers and even give them benefits out of their expectation. iii) Suggest ways in which the brand can improve in its marketing strategies or activities. In this part, we should identify the relative weak area of UNILQO first, and then target the weakness to formulate improvement way. a) Design too simple This is what UNIQLO proud of, but meanwhile it might be its weakness. UNIQLO emphasizes a basic style clothes that can be worn for every day. However, the fashion trend runs too fast recently, customers might be tired of plain pattern of UNIQLO clothes. So, in the future, I think UNILQO can maintain its original design and also add a few more fashionable and trendy lines. A fashionable and high quality apparel should be successful because it merge advantages of H&M and UNIQLO itself. b) Brand Image UNIQLO’s concept is â€Å"Low price, high quality†. Due to this concept, it limits UNIQLO to build a â€Å"High End† image. This low end image make UNIQLO with less pricing flexibility. People will not buy a â€Å"low end† brand with a high price. In long term, apart from the original line and image, UNIQLO can expand its brand image towards â€Å"Middle end† or â€Å"High end† by expanding some attractive lines. It will definitely increase product’s attractiveness. c) Improve advertising and brand visibility UNIQLO is weak in advertising. Comparing to its competitors Zara and H&M,  these competitors are willing to spend much more on the public noise. Apart from product quality and store expansion, UNIQLO can expand the brand’s visibility and awareness with the aid of proper TV advertisement. d) Elderly market In the existing target segment of UNIQLO, elderly is not the main focus group. However, we can not underestimate the potential of this market, especially in some countries, such as Japan and Hong Kong, aging population is getting more. UNIQLO can put more resources on elderly by developing some specialist garment for people who need extra care. For example, heat-tech sweater is suitable them because elderly easily lose temperature. Also, UNIQLO can use its technology advantage to make some functional apparel to them like high elastic trousers which can provide protection from joint damage during walking. These functional products not only can attract elderly, but also can attract all age groups who need functional products. Moreover, they can invite some famous old celebrities to be the brand’s spoke person to increase the influencing power in this age group. Conclusion: Overall, UNIQLO is a very successful international fast fashion retailer in the world in both sale volume and inspiration in fashion. UNIQLO successfully use â€Å"Simple† to compete with others in this fast pacing fashion world. UNIQLO’s high â€Å"price to quality ratio† makes them very attractive to its target group, and penetrate brand image to more people. The existing brand’s activities are useful in expanding business and deliver benefit to customers. However in this challenging market, changes is the ever rules. UNIQLO should focus more the changing of people’s interest and the trend. Simple mix and match can be sword for brand building and harms if people change to pursue more fashionable styles. Reference: 1. http://www.fastretailing.com/eng/ 2. http://www.uniqlo.com/hk/ 3. http://www.zara.com/ 4. http://www.hm.com/ 5. http://www.gap.com/ 6. http://www.brandchannel.com/features_profile.asp?pr_id=324 7. http://www.slideshare.net/ 8. http://www.wikipedia.org

The Rich Get Richer and the Poor Get Prison

The Rich Get Richer and the Poor Get Prison JEFFREY H. REIMAN American University or the same criminal behavior, the poor are more likely to be arrested; if arrested, they are more likely to be charged; if charged, more likely to be convicted; if convicted, more likely to be sentenced to prison; and if sentenced, more likely to be given longer prison terms than members of the middle and upper classes. 1 In other words, the image of the criminal population one sees in our nation’s jails and prisons is distorted by the shape of the criminal justice system itself.It is the face of evil reflected in a carnival mirror, but it is no laughing matter. F The face in the criminal justice carnival mirror is also †¦ very frequently black face. Although blacks do not make up the majority of the inmates in our jails and prisons, they make up a proportion that far outstrips their proportion in the population. 2 Here, too, the image we see is distorted by the processes of the criminal ju stice system itself.Edwin Sutherland and Donald Cressey write in their widely used textbook Criminology that Numerous studies have shown that African-Americans are more likely to be arrested, indicted, convicted, and committed to an institution than are whites who commit the same offenses, and many other studies have shown that blacks have a poorer chance than whites to receive probation, a suspended sentence, parole, commutation of a death sentence, or pardon. 3 Curiously enough, statistics on differential treatment of races are available in greater abundance than are statistics on differential treatment of economic classes.For instance, although the FBI tabulates arrest rates by race (as well as by sex, age, and geographical area), it omits class or income. Similarly, both the President’s Crime Commission Report and Sutherland and Cressey’s Criminology have index entries for race or racial discrimination but none for class or income of offenders. It would seem that b oth independent and government data gatherers are more willing to own up to America’s racism than to its class bias. Nevertheless, it does not pay to look at these as two independent forms of bias.It is my view that, at least as far as criminal justice is concerned, racism is simply one powerful form of economic bias. I use evidence on differential treatment of blacks as evidence of differential treatment of members of the lower classes. There are five reasons: 1. First and foremost, black Americans are disproportionately poor. In 1995, while one out of every eight white Americans received income below the poverty line, three out of every ten black Americans did. The picture is even worse when we shift from income to wealth (property such as a home, land, stocks): In 1991, black households owned one-tenth the median net worth of white households. 5 Unemployment figures give a similarly dismal picture: In 1995, 4. 9 percent of white workers were unemployed and 10. 4 percent of blacks were. Among those in the crime-prone ages of 16 to 24, 15. 6 percent of white youngsters (with no college) and 34. 0 (more than one of every three) black youngsters (with no college) were jobless. 6 2.The factors most likely to keep one out of trouble with the law and out of prison, such as a suburban living room instead of a tenement alley to gamble in or legal counsel able to devote time to one’s case instead of an overburdened public defender, are the kinds of things that money can buy regardless of one’s race, creed, or national origin. For example, as we shall see, arrests of blacks for illicit drug possession or dealing have sky- Reiman, Jeffrey, THE RICH GET RICHER AND THE POOR GET PRISON: Ideology, Class and Criminal Justice, 5th Edition,  © 1998, pp. 01–148. Adapted by permission of Pearson Education, Inc. , Upper Saddle River, NJ. 1 2 The Rich Get Richer and the Poor Get Prison rocketed in recent years, rising way out of proportion to drug ar rests for whites— though research shows no greater drug use among blacks than among whites. However, drug arrests are most easily made in â€Å"disorganized inner-city† areas, where drug sales are more likely to take place out of doors, and dealers are more willing to sell to strangers. Blacks are (proportionately) more likely than whites to live in such inner-city areas nd thus more likely than whites to be arrested on drug charges. 7 But one very important reason that blacks are more likely than whites to live in disorganized inner-city areas is that a greater percentage of blacks than whites are poor and unemployed. What might at first look like a straightforward racial disparity turns out to reflect economic status. 3. Blacks who travel the full route of the criminal justice system and end up in jail or prison are close in economic condition to whites who do.In 1978, 53 percent of black jail inmates had pre-arrest incomes below $3,000, compared with 44 percent of w hites. 8 1983, the median pre-arrest income of black jail inmates was $4,067 and that of white jail inmates was $6,312. About half of blacks in jail were unemployed before arrest and 44 percent of whites were. 9 In 1991, 30 percent of whites in the prison population and 38 percent of blacks reported full- or part-time employment during the month before their arrest. 10 4.Some studies suggest that race works to heighten the effects of economic condition on criminal justice outcomes, so that â€Å"being unemployed and black substantially increase[s] the chances of incarceration over those associated with being either unemployed or black. †11 This means that racism will produce a kind of selective economic bias, making a certain segment of the unemployed even more likely to end up behind bars. 5. Finally, it is my belief that the economic powers that be in America have sufficient power to end or drastically reduce racist bias in the criminal justice system.To the extent that the y allow it to exist, it is not unreasonable to assume that it furthers their economic interests. For all these reasons, racism will be treated here as either a form of economic bias or a tool that achieves the same end. In the remainder of this [selection], I show how the criminal justice system functions to weed out the wealthy (meaning both middle- and upper-class offenders) at each stage of the process and thus produces a distorted image of the crime problem. Before entering into this discussion, three points are worth noting: First, it is not my view that the poor are all innocent victims persecuted by the evil rich.The poor do commit crimes, and my own assumption is that the vast majority of the poor who are confined in our prisons are guilty of the crimes for which they were sentenced. In addition, there is good evidence that the poor do commit a greater portion of the crimes against person and property listed in the FBI Index than the middle- and upper-classes do, relative to their numbers in the national population. What I have already tried to prove is that the crimes in the FBI Index are not the only acts that threaten us nor are they the acts that threaten us the most.What I will try to prove in what follows is that the poor are arrested and punished by the criminal justice system much more frequently than their contribution to the crime problem would warrant—thus the criminals who populate our prisons as well as the public’s imagination are disproportionately poor. Second, the following discussion has been divided into three sections that correspond to the major criminal justice decision points. †¦ As always, such classifications are a bit neater than reality, and so they should not be taken as rigid compartments. Many of the distorting processes operate at all criminal justice decision points.So, for example, while I will primarily discuss the light-handed treatment of white-collar criminals in the section on charging and senten cing, it is also true that white-collar criminals are less likely to be arrested or convicted than are blue-collar criminals. The section in which a given issue is treated is a reflection of the point in the criminal justice process at which the disparities are the most striking. Suffice it to say, however, that the disparities between the treatment of the poor and the nonpoor are to be found at all points of the process.Third, it must be borne in mind that the movement from arrest to sentencing is a funnelling process, so that discrimination that occurs at any early stage shapes the population that reaches later The Rich Get Richer and the Poor Get Prison 3 stages. Thus, for example, some recent studies find little economic bias in sentence length for people convicted of similar crimes. 12 When reading such studies, one should remember that the population that reaches the point of sentencing has already been subject to whatever discrimination exists at earlier stages.If, for exampl e, among people with similar offenses and records, poor people are more likely to be charged and more likely to be convicted, then even if the sentencing of convicted criminals is evenhanded, it will reproduce the discrimination that occurred before. using both official and self-reported data suggests †¦ that there is no pervasive relationship between SES [socioeconomic status] and delinquency. †15 This conclusion is echoed by Jensen and Thompson, who argue that The safest onclusion concerning class structure and delinquency is the same one that has been proposed for several decades: class, no matter how defined, contributes little to explaining variation of self-reports of common delinquency. 16 Others conclude that while lower-class individuals do commit more than their share of crime, arrest records overstate their share and understate that of the middle and upper classes. 17 Still other studies suggest that some forms of serious crime— forms usually associated with lower-class youth— show up more frequently among higher-class persons than among lower. 8 For instance, Empey and Erikson interviewed 180 white males aged 15 to 17 who were drawn from different economic strata. They found that â€Å"virtually all respondents reported having committed not one but a variety of different offenses† Although youngsters from the middle classes constituted 55 percent of the group interviewed, they admitted to 67 percent of the instances of breaking and entering, 70 percent of the instances of property destruction, and an astounding 87 percent of all armed robberies admitted to by the entire sample. 9 Williams and Gold studied a national sample of 847 males and females between the ages of 13 and 16. 20 Of these, 88 percent admitted to at least one delinquent offense. Even those who conclude â€Å"that more lower status youngsters commit delinquent acts more frequently than do higher status youngsters†21 also recognize that lower cl ass youth are significantly overrepresented in official records. Gold writes that â€Å"about five times more lowest than highest status boys appear in the official records; if records were complete and unselective, we estimate that the ratio would be closer to 1. :1. †22 The simple fact is that for the same offense, a poor person is more likely to be arrested and, if arrested charged, than a middleor upper-class person. 23 This means, first of all, that poor people are more likely to come to the attention of the police. Furthermore, even when apprehended, the police are more likely to formally charge a poor person and release a higher-class person for the same offense. Gold writes that ARREST AND CHARGING The problem with most official records of who commits crime is that they are really statistics on who gets arrested and convicted.If, as I will show, the police are more likely to arrest some people than others, these official statistics may tell us more about police than a bout criminals. In any event, they give us little reliable data about those who commit crime and do not get caught. Some social scientists, suspicious of the bias built into official records, have tried to devise other methods of determining who has committed a crime. Most often, these methods involve an interview or questionnaire in which the respondent is assured of anonymity and asked to reveal whether he or she has committed any offenses for which he or she could be arrested and convicted.Techniques to check reliability of these self-reports also have been devised however, if their reliability is still in doubt, common sense would dictate that they would understate rather than overstate the number of individuals who have committed crimes and never come to official notice. In light of this, the conclusions of these studies are rather astounding. It would seem that crime is the national pastime. The President’s Crime Commission conducted a survey of 10,000 households and di scovered that â€Å"91 percent of all Americans have violated laws that could have subjected them to a term of imprisonment at one time in their lives. 13 A number of other studies support the conclusion that serious criminal behavior is widespread among middle- and upper-class individuals, although these individuals are rarely, if ever, arrested. Some of the studies show that there are no significant differences between economic classes in the incidence of criminal behavor. 14 The authors of a recent review of literature on class and delinquency conclude that â€Å"Research published since 1978, 4 The Rich Get Richer and the Poor Get Prison oys who live in poorer parts of town and are apprehended by police for delinquency are four to five times more likely to appear in some official record than boys from wealthier sections who commit the same kinds of offenses. These same data show that, at each stage in the legal process from charging a boy with an offense to some sort of dispos ition in court, boys from different socioeconomic backgrounds are treated differently, so that those eventually incarcerated in public institutions, that site of most of the research on delinquency, are selectively poorer boys. 4 From a study of self-reported delinquent behavior, Gold finds that when individuals were apprehended, â€Å"if the offender came from a higher status family, police were more likely to handle the matter themselves without referring it to the court. †25 Terence Thornberry reached a similar conclusion in his study of 3,475 delinquent boys in Philadelphia. Thornberry found that among boys arrested for equally serious offenses and who had similar prior offense records, police were more likely to refer to lower-class youths than the more affluent ones to juvenile court.The police were more likely to deal with the wealthier youngsters informally, for example, by holding them in the station house until their parents came rather than instituting formal proce dures. Of those referred to juvenile court, Thornberry found further that for equally serious offenses and with similar prior records, the poorer youngsters were more likely to be institutionalized than were the affluent ones. The wealthier youths were more likely to receive probation than the poorer ones.As might he expected, Thornberry found the same relationships when corn paring the treatment of black and white youths apprehended for equally serious offenses. 26 Recent studies continue to show similar effects. For example, Sampson found that, for the same crimes, juveniles in lower-class neighborhoods were more likely to have some police record than those in better-off neighborhoods. Again, for similar crimes, lower-class juveniles were more likely to be referred to court than better-off juveniles.If you think these differences are not so important because they are true only of young offenders, remember that this group accounts for much of the crime problem. Moreover, other stud ies not limited to the young tend to show the same economic bias. McCarthy found that, in metropolitan areas, for similar suspected crimes, unemployed people were more likely to be arrested than employed. 27 As I indicated above, racial bias is but another form in which the bias against the poor works. And blacks are more likely to be suspected or arrested than whites. A. 988 Harvard Law Review overview of studies on race and the criminal process concludes that â€Å"most studies †¦ reveal what many police officers freely admit: that police use race as an independently significant, if not determinative, factor in deciding whom to follow, detain, search, or arrest. †28 â€Å"A 1994 study of juvenile detention decisions found that African-American and Hispanic youths were more likely to be detained at each decision point, even after controlling for the influence of offense seriousness and social factors (e. g. , singleparent home).Decisions by both police and the courts t o detain a youngster were highly influenced by race. †29 The study states that, â€Å"[n]ot only were there direct effects of race, but indirectly, socioeconomic status was related to detention, thus putting youth of color again at risk for differential treatment. †30 Reporting the results of University of Missouri criminologist Kimberly Kempf’s study of juvenile justice in fourteen Pennsylvania counties, Jerome Miller says that â€Å"Black teenagers were more likely to be detained, to be handled formally, to be waived to adult court, and to be adjudicated delinquent. 31 And the greater likelihood of arrest that minorities face is matched by a greater likelihood of being charged with a serious offense. For example, Huizinga and Elliott report that: â€Å"Minorities appear to be at greater risk for being charged with more serious offenses than whites when involved in comparable levels of delinquent behavior. †32 Bear in mind that once an individual has a c riminal record, it becomes harder for that person to get employment thus increasing the likelihood of future criminal involvement and more serious criminal charges.For reasons mentioned earlier, a disproportionately large percentage of the casualties in the recent War on Drugs are poor inner-city minority males. Michael Tonry writes that, â€Å"according to National Institute on Drug Abuse (1991) surveys of Americans’ drug use, [Blacks] are not more likely than Whites ever to have used most drugs of abuse. Nonetheless, the †¦ number of drug arrests of Blacks more than doubled between 1985 and 1989, whereas White drug arrests increased only by 27 percent. †33 A study conducted by the SentencingThe Rich Get Richer and the Poor Get Prison 5 Project, based mainly on Justice Department statistics, indicates that â€Å"Blacks make up 12 percent of the United States’ population and constitute 13 percent of all monthly drug users†¦, but represent 35 percent o f those arrested for drug possession, 55 percent of those convicted of drug possession and 74 percent of those sentenced to prison for drug possession. †34 Numerous studies of police use of deadly force show that blacks are considerably more likely than whites or Hispanics to be shot by the police.For example, using data from Memphis, Tennessee, covering the years from 1969 through 1974, James Fyfe found that blacks were 10 times more likely than whites to have been shot at unsuccessfully by police, 18 times more likely to have been wounded, and 5 times more likely to have been killed. †35 A nation that has watched the brutal treatment meted out to Rodney King by California police officers will not find this surprising. Does anyone think this would have happened if King were a white man? Any number of reasons can be offered to account for the differences in police treatment of poor versus well-off citizens.Some argue that they relied that the poor have less privacy. 36 W hat others can do in their living rooms or backyards the poor do on the street. Others argue that a police officers decision to book a poor youth and release a middle-class youth reflects either the officer’s judgment that the higher-class youngster’s family will be more likely and more able to discipline him or her than the lower-class youngster’s, or differences in the degree to which poor and middle-class complainants demand arrest.Others argue that police training and police work condition police officers to be suspicious of certain kinds of people, such as lower-class youth, blacks, Mexicans, and so on,37 a thus more likely to detect their criminality. Still others hold that police mainly arrest those with the least political clout,38 those who are least able to focus public attention on police practices or bring political influence to bear, and these happen to be the members of the lowest social and economic classes. Regardless of which view one takes, and probably all have some truth in them, one conclusion is inescapable.One of the reasons the offender â€Å"at the end of the road in prison is likely to be a member of the lowest social and economic groups in the country† is that the police officers who guard the access to the road to prison make sure that more poor people make the trip than well-to-do people. Likewise for prosecutors. A recent study of prosecutors’ decisions shows that lower-class individuals are more likely to have charges pressed against them than upper-class individuals. 39 Racial discrimination also characterizes prosecutors’ decisions to charge.The Harvard Law Review overview of studies on race and the criminal process asserts, â€Å"Statistical studies indicate that prosecutors are more likely to pursue full prosecution, file more severe charges, and seek more stringent penalties in cases involving minority defendants than in cases involving nonminority defendants. †40 One study of whites, blacks, and Hispanics arrested in Los Angeles on suspicion of having committed a felony found that, among defendants with equally serious charges and prior records, 59 percent of whites had their charges dropped at the initial screening, ompared with 40 percent of blacks and 37 percent of Hispanics. 41 The weeding out of the wealthy starts at the very entrance to the criminal justice system: The decision about whom to investigate, arrest, or charge is not made simply on the basis of the offense committed or the danger posed. It is a decision distorted by a systematic economic bias that works to the disadvantage of the poor. This economic bias is a two-edged sword.Not only are the poor arrested and charged out of proportion to their numbers for the kinds of crimes poor people generally commit—burglary, robbery, assault, and so forth—but when we reach the kinds of crimes poor people almost never have the opportunity to commit, such as antitrust violations, indus trial safety violations, embezzlement, and serious tax evasion, the criminal justice system shows an increasingly benign and merciful lace. The more likely that a crime is the type committed by middle and upper class people, the less likely that it will be treated as a criminal offense.When it comes to crime in the streets, where the perpetrator is apt to be poor, he or she is even more likely to be arrested and formally charged. When it comes to crime in the suites, where the offender is apt to be affluent, the system is most likely to deal with the crime noncriminally, that is, by civil litigation or informal settlement. Where it does choose to proceed criminally, as we will see in the section on sentencing, it rarely goes beyond a slap on the wrist. Not only is the main entry to the road to prison held wide open to the poor but the access routes for the wealthy are largely sealed off.Once again, we should not be surprised at whom we find in our prisons. 6 The Rich Get Richer and the Poor Get Prison CONVICTION Between arrest and imprisonment lies the crucial process that determines guilt or innocence. Studies of individuals accused of similar offenses and with similar prior records show that the poor defendant is more likely to be adjudicated guilty than is the wealthier defendant. 42 In the adjudication process the only thing that should count is whether the accused is guilty and whether the prosecution can prove it beyond a reasonable doubt.Unfortunately, at least two other factors that are irrelevant to the question of guilt or innocence significantly affect the outcome: One is the ability of the accused to be free on bail prior to trial; and the second is access to legal counsel able to devote adequate time and energy to the case. Because both bail and high-quality legal counsel cost money, it should come as no surprise that here as elsewhere the poor do poorly. Being released on bail is Important in several respects.First and foremost is that those not released on hail are kept in jail like individuals who have been found guilty. They are thus punished while they are still legally innocent. â€Å"On June 30, 1995, an estimated 44 percent of the nation’s adult jail inmates had been convicted on their current charge. An estimated 223,000 adult jail inmates were serving a sentence, awaiting sentencing, or serving time in jail [or a probation or parole violation. Between 1985 and 1995 the number of convicted inmates rose by nearly 100,000—up from 13,409.During the same period, the number of convicted jail inmates, including those on trial or awaiting arraignment or trial, doubled (from 127,059 to an estimated 284,100). †43 Beyond the obvious ugliness of punishing people before they are found guilty, confined defendants suffer from other disabilities. Specifically, they cannot actively aid in their own defense by seeking out witnesses and evidence. Several studies have shown that among defendants accused of the sam e offenses those who make bail are more likely to be acquitted than those who do not. 4 In a recent study of unemployment and punishment, Chiricos and Bales found that ‘after the effects of other factors [seriousness of crime, prior record, etc. ] were controlled, an unemployed defendant was 3. 2 times more like to be incarcerated before trial than his employed counterpart. †45 Furthermore, because the time spent in jail prior to adjudication of guilt may count as part of the sentence if one is found guilty, the accused are often placed in a ticklish position.Let us say the accused believes he or she is innocent, and let us say also that he or she has been in the slammer for two months awaiting trial. Along comes the prosecutor to offer a deal: If you plead guilty to such-and-such (usually a lesser offense than has been charged, say, possession of burglar’s tools instead of burglary), the prosecutor promises to ask the judge to sentence you to two months. In other words, plead guilty and walk out of jail today (free, but with a criminal record that will make finding a job hard and insure a stiffer sentence next ime around)—or maintain your innocence, stay in jail until trial, and then be tried for the full charge instead of the lesser offense! In fact, not only does the prosecutor threaten to prosecute for the full charge, but this is often accompanied by the implied but very real threat to press for the most severe penalty as well—for taking up the court’s time. Plea bargaining such as this is an everyday occurrence in the criminal justice system. Contrary to the Perry Mason image, the vast majority of criminal convictions in the United States are reached without a trial.It is estimated that between 70 and 95 percent of convictions are the result of a negotiated plea,46 that is, a bargain in which the accused agrees to plead guilty (usually to a lesser offense than he or she is charged with or to one offense out of many he or she is charged with) in return for an informal promise of leniency from the prosecutor with the tacit consent of the judge. If you were the jailed defendant offered a deal like this, how would you choose? Suppose you were a poor black man not likely to be able to retain F. Lee Bailey or Edward Bennett Williams for your defense.The advantages of access to adequate legal counsel during the adjudicative process are obvious but still worthy of mention. In 1963, the U. S. Supreme Court handed down the landmark Gideon v. Wainwright decision, holding that the states must provide legal counsel to the indigent in all felony cases. As a result, no person accused of a serious crime need face his or her accuser without a lawyer. However, the Supreme Court has not held that the Constitution entitles individuals to lawyers able to devote equal time and resources to their cases.Even though Gideon represents significant progress in making good on the constitutional promise of equal treatment before the law, we still are left with two transmission belts of justice: one for the poor and one for the affluent. There is an emerging body of case law on the right to effective assistance of counsel;47 however, this is yet to have any serious The Rich Get Richer and the Poor Get Prison 7 impact on the assembly-line legal aid handed out to the poor.Indigent defendants, those who cannot afford to retain their own lawyers, will be defended either by a public defender or by a private attorney assigned by the court. Because the public defender is a salaried attorney with a case load much larger than that of a private criminal lawyer,48 and because court-assigned private attorneys are paid a fixed fee that is much lower than they charge their regular clients, neither is able or motivated to devote much time to the indigent defendant’s defense. Both are strongly motivated to bring their cases to a close quickly by negotiating a plea of guilty.Because the public defender works i n day-today contact with the prosecutor and the judge, the pressures on him or her to negotiate a plea as quickly as possible, instead of rocking the boat by threatening to go to trial,49 are even greater than those that work on court-assigned counsel. In an essay aptly titled â€Å"Did You Have a Lawyer When You Went to Court? No, I Had a Public Defender,† Jonathan Casper reports the perceptions of this process from the standpoint of the defendants: Most of the men spent very little time with their public defender.In the court in which they eventually plead guilty, they typically reported spending on the order of five to ten minutes with their public defender. These conversations usually took place in the bull-pen of the court house or in the hallway. The brief conversations usually did not involve much discussion of the details surrounding the alleged crime, mitigating circumstances or the defendants’ motives or backgrounds. Instead, they focused on the deal, the off er the prosecution was likely to make or had made in return for a cop out.Often the defendants reported that the first words the public defender spoke (or at least the first words the defendants recalled) were, â€Å"I can get you†¦, if you plead guilty. †50 As might be expected, with less time and fewer resources to devote to the cause, public defenders and assigned lawyers cannot devote as much time and research to preparing the crucial pretrial motions that can often lead to dismissal of charges against the accused. A recent study of 28,315 felony defendants in various county and city jurisdictions in Tennessee, Virginia, and Kentucky shows that public defenders got cases dropped for 11. percent of their defendants, and private attorneys got dismissals for 48 percent of their defendants. As also might be expected, the overall acquittal rate for privately retained counsel is considerably better than that for public defenders. The same study shows that public defenders achieved either dismissal of charges or a finding of not guilty in 11. 4 percent of the indictments they handled, and private attorneys got their clients off the hook in 56 percent of their cases. The superior record of private attorneys held good when comparisons were made among defendants accused of similar offenses and with similar prior records. 1 The picture that emerges from federal courts is not much different. 52 The problem of adequate legal representation is particularly acute in capital cases. According to Robert Johnson, â€Å"Most attorneys in capital cases are provided by the state. Defendants, as good capitalists, routinely assume that they will get what they pay for: next to nothing. † Their perceptions, he concludes, â€Å"may not be far from right. † Indeed, Stephen Gettinger maintains that an inadequate defense was â€Å"the single outstanding characteristic† of the condemned persons he studied.The result: Capital defendants appeared in court as â€Å"creatures beyond comprehension, virtually gagged and masked in preparation for the execution chamber. †53 Writes Linda Williams in the Wall Street Journal, The popular perception is that the system guarantees a condemned person a lawyer. But most states provide counsel only for the trial and the automatic review of the sentence by the state appeals court. Indigent prisoners—a description that applies to just about everybody on death row—who seek further review must rely on the charity of a few private lawyers and on cash-starved organizations like the Southern Prisoners Defense Committee. 4 A recent Time magazine article on this topic is entitled You Don’t Always Get Perry Mason. † Says the author, â€Å"Because the majority of murder defendants are †¦ broke†¦, many of them get courtappointed lawyers who lack the resources, experience or inclination to do their utmost. †¦ Some people go to traffic court with better prepared lawyers than many murder defendants get. †55 Needless to say, the distinct legal advantages that money can buy become even more salient when 8 The Rich Get Richer and the Poor Get Prison we enter the realm of corporate and other white-collar crime.Indeed, it is often precisely the time and cost involved in bringing to court a large corporation with its army of legal eagles that is offered as an excuse for the less formal and more genteel treatment accorded to corporate crooks. This excuse is, of course, not equitably distributed to all economic classes, any more than quality legal service is. This means that regardless of actual innocence or guilt, one’s chances of beating the rap increase as one’s income increases. Regardless of what fraction of crimes are committed by the poor, the criminal justice system is distorted so that an even reater fraction of those convicted will be poor. And with conviction comes sentencing. rob a bank of a thousand dollars with a st ickup note, than a smooth talking S&L executive who steals a million dollars with a fraudulent note. Later in the hearing, Chairman Annunzio questioned the administration’s representative: You cited, Mr. Dennis, several examples in your testimony of successful convictions with stiff sentences, but the average sentence so far is actually about 2 years, compared to an average sentence of about 9 years for bank robbery.Why do we throw the book at people who rob a bank in broad daylight but we coddle people who †¦ rob the bank secretly? 56 The simple fact is that the criminal justice system reserves its harshest penalties for its lower-class clients and puts on kid gloves when confronted with a better class of crook. We will come back to the soft treatment of the S&L crooks shortly. For the moment, note that the tendency to treat higher-class criminals more leniently than lower-class criminals has been with us for a long time. In 1972, the New York Times did a study on sente ncing in state and federal courts.The Times stated that â€Å"crimes that tend to be committed by the poor get tougher sentences than those committed by the well-to-do,† that federal â€Å"defendants who could not afford private counsel were sentenced nearly twice as severely as defendants with private or no counsel,† and that a â€Å"study by the Vera Institute of Justice of courts in the Bronx indicates a similar pattern in the state courts. †57 More recently, D’Alessio and Stolzenberg studied a random sample of 2,760 offenders committed to the custody of the Florida Department of Corrections during fiscal year 1985.Although they found no greater sentence severity for poor offenders found guilty of property crimes, they found that poor offenders did receive longer sentences for violent crimes, such as manslaughter, and for morals offenses, such as narcotics possession. Nor, by the way, did sentencing guidelines reduce this disparity. 58 A study of indiv iduals convicted of drunk driving found that increased education (taken as an indicator of higher occupational status) â€Å"increase [d] the rate of movement from case hung to probation and decrease[d] the rate of movement to prison. And though when probation was given, more educated offenders got longer probation, they also got shorter prison sentences, if sentenced to prison at all. 59 SENTENCING On June 28, 1990, the House Subcommittee on Financial Institutions Supervision, Regulation and Insurance met in the Rayburn House Office Building to hold hearings on the prosecution of savings and loan criminals. The chairman of the subcommittee, Congressman Frank Annunzio, called the meeting to order and said: The American people are furious with the slow pace of prosecutions involving savings and loan criminals.These crooks are responsible for 1/3, 1/2, or maybe even more, of the savings and loan cost. The American taxpayer will be forced to pay $500 billion or more over the next 40 y ears, largely because of these crooks. For many Americans, this bill will not be paid until their grandchildren are old enough to retire. We are here to get an answer to one question: â€Å"When are the S&L crooks going to jail? The answer from the administration seems to be: â€Å"probably never. † Frankly, I don’t think the administration has the interest in pursuing Gucci-clad white-collar criminals.These are hard and complicated cases, and the defendants often were rich, successful prominent members of their upper-class communities. It is far easier putting away a sneaker-clad high school dropout who tries to The Rich Get Richer and the Poor Get Prison 9 Chiricos and Bales found that, for individuals guilty of similar offenses and with similar prior records, unemployed defendants were more likely to be incarcerated while awaiting trial, and for longer periods, than employed defendants.They were more than twice as likely as their employed counterparts to be incarce rated upon a finding of guilt. And defendants with public defenders experienced longer periods of jail time than those who could afford private attorneys. 60 McCarthy noted a similar link between unemployment and greater likelihood of incarceration. 61 In his study of 28,315 felony defendants in Tennessee, Virginia, and Kentucky, Champion also found that offenders who could afford private counsel had a greater likelihood of probation, and received shorter sentences when incarceration was imposed. 2 A study of the effects of implementing Minnesota’s determinate sentencing program shows that socio-economic bias is â€Å"more subtle, but no less real† than before the new program. 63 Tillman and Pontell examined the sentences received by individuals convicted of Medicaid provider fraud in California. Because such offenders normally have no prior arrests and are charged with grand theft, their sentences were compared with the sentences of other offenders convicted of grand theft and who also had no prior records. While 37. 7 percent of the Medicaid defrauders were sentenced to some jail or prison time, 79. percent of the others convicted of grand theft were sentenced to jail or prison. This was so even though the median dollar loss due to the Medicaid frauds was $13,000, more than ten times the median loss due to the other grand thefts ($1,149). Tillman and Pontell point out that most of the Medicaid defrauders were health professionals, while most of the others convicted of grand theft had low-level jobs or were unemployed. They conclude that â€Å"differences in the sentences imposed on the two samples are indeed the result of the different social statuses of their members. 64 As usual, data on racial discrimination in sentencing tell the same story of the treatment of those who cannot afford the going price of justice. A study of offender processing in New York State counties found that, for offenders with the same arrest charge and the same prior criminal records, minorities were incarcerated more often than comparably situated whites. 65 A study of sentencing in Miami concludes that when case-related attributes do not clearly point to a given sentence, sentencing disparities are more likely to be based on race. 6 Most striking perhaps is that, in 1993, 51 percent of inmates in state and federal prisons were black and 44 percent of inmates of jails were black, whereas blacks make up only 36. 5 percent of those arrested for serious (FBI Index) crimes. 67 Furthermore, when we look only at federal prisons, where there is reason to believe that racial and economic discrimination is less prevalent than in state institutions, we find that in 1986, nonwhite inmates were sentenced, on average, 33 more months for burglary than white inmates and 22 more months for income tax evasion.In 1989, the average federal sentence for blacks found guilty of violent offenses was 10 months longer than for whites. 68 Here must be mentioned the not orious â€Å"100-to1† disparity between sentences for possession of cocaine in powder form (popular in the affluent suburbs) and in crack form (popular in poor inner-city neighborhoods). Federal laws require a mandatory five-year sentence for crimes involving 500 grams of powder cocaine or 5 grams of crack cocaine.This yields a sentence for first-time offenders (with no aggravating factors, such as possession of a weapon) that is higher than the sentence for kidnapping, and only slightly lower than the sentence for attempted murder! 69 About 90 percent of those convicted of Federal crack offenses are black, about 4 percent are white. â€Å"As a result, the average prison sentence served by Black federal prisoners is 40 percent longer than the average sentence for Whites. 70 In 1995, the United States Sentencing Commission recommended ending the 100-to-1 disparity between powder and crack penalties, and, in an unusual display of bipartisanship, both the Republican Congress an d the Democratic President rejected their recommendation. 71 Sentencing disparities between the races are, of course, not new. An extensive study by the Boston Globe of 4,500 cases of armed robbery, aggravated assault, and rape found that â€Å"blacks convicted in the superior courts of Massachusetts receive harsher penalties than whites for the same crimes. 72 The authors of a study of almost 1,200 males sentenced to prison for armed robbery in a southeastern state found that â€Å"in 1977 whites incarcerated for armed robbery had a greater than average chance of receiving the least severe sentence, while nonwhites had a greater than average chance of receiving a moderately severe sentence. †73 A study of 229 adjudicated cases in a Florida judicial district yielded the finding that â€Å"whites have an 18 percent greater chance in the predicted probability of receiving probation than blacks when all other things are 10 The Rich Get Richer and the Poor Get Prison qual. â₠¬ 74 A recent study of criminal justice systems in California, Michigan, and Texas by Petersilia confirms the continuation of this trend. â€Å"Controlling for the factors most likely to influence sentencing and parole decisions,† she writes, â€Å"the analysis still found that blacks and Hispanics are less likely to be given probation, more likely to receive prison sentences, more likely to receive longer sentences, and more likely to serve a greater portion of their original time. †75 Myers found that â€Å"harsher treatment of persons with fewer resources (e. g. female, unemployed, unmarried, black is †¦ pronounced in highly unequal counties. †76 The federal government has introduced sentencing guidelines and minimum mandatory sentences that might be expected to eliminate discrimination, and many states have followed suit. The effect of this, however, has been not to eliminate discretion but to transfer it from those who sentence to those who decide wha t to charge—that is, from judges to prosecutors. Prosecutors can charge in a way that makes it likely that the offender will get less than the mandatory minimum sentence. Says U. S. District Judge J.Lawrence Irving of San Diego, â€Å"the system is run by the U. S. attorneys. When they decide how to indict, they fix the sentence. †77 We have seen in this [selection] †¦ that the criminal justice system is triply biased against the poor. First, there is the economic class bias among harmful acts as to which get labeled crimes and which are treated as regulatory matters †¦Second, there is economic class bias among crimes that we have already seen in this [selection]. The crimes that poor people are likely to commit carry harsher sentences than the â€Å"crimes in suites† committed by well-to-do-people.Third, among defendants convicted of the same crimes, the poor receive less probation and more years of confinement than well-off defendants, assuring us on ce again that the vast majority of those put behind bars are from the lowest social and economic classes in the nation. On either side of the law, the rich get richer†¦ Monday, September 13, when corrections officers and state troopers stormed the prison and killed 29 inmates and 10 hostages. 78 During those four days the nation saw the faces of its captives on television—the hard black faces of young men who had grown up on the streets of Harlem and other urban ghettos.Theirs were the faces of crime in America. The television viewers who saw them were not surprised. Here were faces of dangerous men who should be locked up. Nor were people outraged when the state launched its murderous attack on the prison, killing many more inmates and guards than did the prisoners themselves. Maybe they were shocked—but not outraged. Neither were they outraged when two grand juries refused to indict any of the attackers, nor when the mastermind of the attack, New York Gov. Nelso n Rockefeller, was named to be vice president of the United States three years after the uprising and massacre. 9 They were not outraged because the faces they saw on the TV screens fit and confirmed their beliefs about who is a deadly threat to American society and a deadly threat must be met with deadly force. How did those men get to Attica? How did Americans get their beliefs about who is a dangerous person? These questions are interwoven. People get their notions about who is a criminal at least in part from the occasional television or newspaper picture of who is inside our prisons. The individuals they see there have been put in prison because people believe ertain kinds of individuals are dangerous and should be locked up. I have argued in this [selection] that this is not a simple process of selecting the dangerous and the criminal from among the peace-loving and the lawabiding. It is also a process of weeding out the wealthy at every stage, so that the final picture a picture like that that appeared on the TV screen on September 9, 1971—is not a true reflection of the real dangers in our society but a distorted image, the kind reflected in a carnival mirror.It is not my view that the inmates in Attica were innocent of the crimes that sent them there. I assume they and just about all the individuals in prisons in America are probably guilty of the crime for which they were sentenced and maybe more. My point is that people who are equally or more dangerous, equally or more criminal, are not there; that the criminal justice system works systematically not to punish and confine the dangerous and the criminal but to punish and confine the poor who are dangerous and criminal. †¦ AND THE POOR GET PRISON At 9:05 A. M. n the morning of Thursday, September 9, 1971, a group of inmates forced their way through a gate at the center of the prison, fatally injured a guard named William Quinn, and took 50 hostages. The Attica uprising had begun. I t lasted four clays, until 9:43 AM. on the morning of The Rich Get Richer and the Poor Get Prison 11 It is successful at all levels. In 1973, there were 204,211 individuals in state and federal prisons, or 96 prisoners for every 100,000 individuals (of all ages) in the general population. By 1979, state and federal inmates numbered 301,470, or 133 per 100,000 Americans.By 1995, there were a total of 1,585,401 persons in state and federal prisons and in local jails, a staggering 600 for every 100,000 in the population. One in 167 U. S. residents (of all ages and both sexes) was behind bars by the end of 1995. However, of the 1,585,401 prisoners, more than a million are men, virtually all above the age of 18. Because the adult male population in the United States is about 93 million, this means that more than one out of every 100 American adult men is behind bars. 80 This enormous number of prisoners is, of course, predominantly from the bottom of society.Of the estimated 711,643 peop le in state prisons in June 1991, 33 percent were not employed at all (full or part time) prior to their arrests. About half of these were looking for work and half were not. Another 12 percent had only parttime jobs before prison, making fully 45 percent who were without full-time employment prior to arrest. These statistics represent a general worsening compared with 1986, when 31 percent of state inmates had no pre-arrest employment at all, and 43 percent had no full-time pre-arrest employment.Of those 1991 state inmates who had been free at least a year before arrest, 19 percent had some pre-arrest annual income but less than $3,000 50 percent had some pre-arrest annual income but less than $10,000. 81 To get an idea of what part of society is in prison, we should compare these figures with comparable figures for the general population. Because 95 percent of state inmates are male, we can look at employment and income figures for males in the general society in 1990.Statistics o n employment and income for 1990 are close to those for 1988 and 1989, and so will give us a fair sense of the general population from which the current state inmates came. In 1990, 5. 6 percent of males, 16-years-old and above, in the labor force were unemployed and looking for work. This corresponds to half the state inmates who were unemployed before arrest, because the other half who were unemployed were not looking for work. Where 16 percent of state prisoners had been unemployed and still looking for work, only 5. 6 percent of males in the general population were in this condition.Thus, prisoners were unemployed and looking for work at a rate three times that of males in the general population. But this doesn’t give us the full picture, because it doesn’t capture the unemployed prisoners who had not been seeking work. To capture that, let us assume that, as among the prisoners, the number of males in the general population who are unemployed and not looking is eq ual to the number in the labor force who are unemployed and looking. (Note that this assumption is high, but for present purposes conservative, as the higher it is the more it will decrease the relative difference between prisoners and general male population. The 5. 6 percent of males in the labor force represents approximately 3,799,000 persons. If we double it, we get 7,598,000 as an estimate of the total number of males in the general population who are unemployed, looking for work or not. As a percentage of the total noninstitutionalized population of males 16 and over, this is 8. 5 percent. Compare this with the 33 percent of state inmates who were unemployed prior to being arrested. Then, state prisoners were unemployed at a rate nearly four times that of males in the general population. 2 Where 19 percent of prisoners with any prearrest income at all earned less than $3,000 a year, 6. 8 percent of males in the civilian labor force in 1990 earned between $1 and $2,499 a year, and 12. 3 percent earned between $1 and $4,999. Fifty percent of the inmates had annual incomes between $1 and $10,000, while 25 percent of males in the general population earned in that range. 83 Our prisoners are not a cross-section of America. They are considerably poorer and considerably less likely to be employed than the rest of Americans.Moreover, they are also less educated, which is to say less in possession of the means to improve their sorry situations. Of all U. S. prison inmates, 47 percent did not graduate from high school, compared to 21 percent of the U. S. adult population. Sixteen percent of prisoners said they had some college, compared to 43 percent of the U. S. adult population. 84 The criminal justice system is sometimes thought of as a kind of sieve in which the innocent are progressively sifted out from the guilty, who end up behind bars. I have tried to show that the sieve works another way as well.It sifts the affluent out from the poor, so it is not merel y the guilty who end up behind bars, but the guilty poor. 12 The Rich Get Richer and the Poor Get Prison Endnotes 1. Compare the statement, written more than half a century ago, by Professor Edwin H. Sutherland, one of the major luminaries of twentieth-century criminology: First, the administrative processes are more favorable to person in economic comfort than to those in poverty, so that if two person on different economic levels are equally guilty of the same offense, the one on the lower level is more likely to be arrested, convicted, and committed to an institution.Second, the laws are written, administered, and implemented primarily with reference to the types of crimes committed by people of lower economic levels. [E. H. Sutherland, Principles of Criminology (Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1939), p. 179]. 2. For example, in 1991, when black made up 12 percent of the national population, they accounted for 46 percent of the U. S. state prison population. BJS, Survey of State Prison Inmates. 1991, p. 3. 3. Edwin H. Sutherland and Donald R. Cressey, Criminology, 9th ed. (Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1974), p. 133.The following studies are cited in support of this point (p. 133, note 4): Edwin M. Lemert and Judy Rosenberg, â€Å"The Administration of Justice to Minority Groups in Los Angeles County,† University of California Publications in Culture and Society 2, no. 1 (1948), pp. 1–28; Thorsten Sellin, â€Å"Race Prejudice in the Administrations of Justice,† American Journal of Sociology 41 (September 1935), pp. 212– 217; Sidney Alexrad, â€Å"Negro and White Male Institutionalized Delinquents,† American Journal of Sociology 57 (May 1952), pp. 569–74; Marvin F. Wolfgang, Arlene Kelly, and Hans C.Nolde, â€Å"Comparisons of the Executed and the Commuted Among Admissions to Death Row,† Journal of Criminal Law, Criminology, and Police Science 53 (September 1962), pp. 301–11; Nathan Goldman, The Differential Sele ction of Juvenile Offenders for Court Appearance (New York National Council on Crime and Delinquency, 1963); Irving Piliavin ad Scott Briar, â€Å"Police Encounters with Juveniles,† American Journal of Sociology 70 (September 1964), pp. 206–14, Robert M. Terry, â€Å"The Screening of Juvenile Offenders,† Journal of Criminal Law, Criminology, and Police Science 58 (June 1967), pp. 73–81. See also Ramsey Clark, Crime in America (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1970), p. 51; â€Å"Negroes are arrested more frequently and on less evidence than whites and are more often victims of mass or sweep arrests†; and Donald Taft, Criminology, 3d ed. (New York: Macmillan, 1956), p. 134: Negroes are more likely to be suspected of crime than are whites. They are also more likely to be arrested. If the perpetrator of a crime is known to be a Negro the police may arrest all Negroes who were near the scene— a procedure they would rarely dare to follow with whites .After arrest Negroes are less likely to secure bail, and so are more liable to be counted in jail statistics. They are more liable than whites to be indicted and less likely to have their case nol prossed or otherwise dismissed. If tried, Negroes are more likely to be convicted. If convicted they are less likely to be given probation. For this reason they are more likely to be included in the count of prisoners. Negroes are also more likely than whites to be kept in prison for the full terms of their commitments and correspondingly less like to be paroled. 4. StatAbst-1996, p. 8, Table no. 49. See also Karen Pennar, â€Å"The Rich are Richer—and America May Be the Poorer,† Business Week, November 18,1991, pp. 85–88. 5. StatAbs-1994, p. 482, Table no. 742. See also Carole Shammas, â€Å"A New look at LongTerm Trends in Wealth Inequality in the United States,† American Historical Review 98, no. 2 (April 1993), p. 422. 6. StatAbst-1996, p. 48, Table no. 49; and p. 398, Table no. 623. 7. Michael Tonry, â€Å"Racial Politics, Racial Disparities, and the War on Crime,† Crime & Delinquency 40, no. 4 (October 1994), pp. 483, 485–86. 8. Sourcebook-1981, p. 463. 9. StatAbst-1988, p. 75, Table no. 304. 10. BJS, Profile of Inmates in the United States and in England and Wales, 1991 (October 1994, NCJ-145863), p. 13. 11. Theodore Chiricos and William Bales, â€Å"Unemployment, and Punishment: An Empirical Assessment,† Criminology 29, no. 4 (1991), p. 718. The Rich Get Richer and the Poor Get Prison 13 12. An offender’s socioeconomic status †¦ did not impact sentence length for any of the property offenses. † Stewart J. D’Alession and Lisa Stolzenberg, â€Å"Socioeconomic Status and the Sentencing of the Traditional Offender,† Journal of Criminal Justice 21 (1993), p. 73.The same study did find lower economic status offenders received harsher sentences for violent and moral order crimes. Anoth er study that finds no greater likelihood of incarceration based on socioeconomic status is Michael Benson and Esteban Walker, â€Å"Sentencing the White-Collar Offender,† American Sociological Review 53 (April 1988), pp 291–302. And yet another found higher-status offenders to be more likely 10 be incarcerated. David Weisburd, Elin Waring, and Stanton Wheeler, â€Å"Class, Status, and the Punishment of White Collar Criminals,† Law and Social Inquiry 16 (1990), pp. 23–41. These last two studies are limited to offenders convicted of whitecollar crimes, and so they deal with a sample that has already been subject to whatever discrimination exists in the arrest, charging, and conviction of white-collar offenders. 13. Isidore Silver, â€Å"Introduction† to the Avon edition of The Challenge of Crime in a Free Society (New York: Avon, 1968), p. 31. 14. This is the conclusion of Austin L. Porterfield, Youth in Trouble (Fort Worth: Leo Potishman Foundation , 1946); Fred J. Murphy, M. Shirley, and H. L.Witmer, â€Å"The Incidence of Hidden Delinquency,† American Journal of Orthopsychiatry 16 (October 1946), pp. 686–96; James F. Short Jr. , â€Å"A Report on the Incidence of Criminal Behavior, Arrests, and Convictions in Selected Groups,† Proceedings of the Pacific Sociological Society, 1954, pp. 110–18, published as vol. 22, no. 2 of Research Studies of the State College of Washington (Pullman: State College of Washington, 1954); F. Ivan Nye, James F. Short Jr. , and Virgil J. Olson, â€Å"Socioeconomic Status and Delinquent Behavior,† American Journal of Sociology 63 (January 1958), pp. 381–89; Maynard L.Erickson and Lamar T. Empey, â€Å"Class Position, Peers and Delinquency,† Sociology and Social Research 49 (April 1965), pp. 268–82; William J. Chambliss and Richard H. Nagasawa, â€Å"On the Validity of Official Statistics; A Comparative Study of White, Black, and Japanese Hig h-School Boys,† Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency 6 (January 1969), pp. 71–77; Eugene Doleschal, â€Å"Hidden Crime,† Crime and Delinquency Literature 2, no. 5 (October 1970), pp. 546–72; Nanci Koser Wilson, Risk Ratios in Juvenile Delinquency (Ann Arbor, Mich. : University Microfilms, 1972); and Maynard L.Erikson, â€Å"Group Violations, Socioeconomic Status, and Official Delinquency,† Social Forces 52, no. 1 (September 1973), p. 41–52. 15. Charles R. Tittle and Robert F Meier, â€Å"Specifying the SES/Delinquency Relationship,† Criminology 28, no. 2 (1990), p. 292. 16. Gary F. Jensen and Kevin Thompson, â€Å"What’s Class Got to Do with It? A Further Examination of Power-Control Theory,† American Journal of Sociology 95, no. 4 (January 1990) p. 1021. 17. This is the conclusion of Martin Gold, ‘Undetected Delinquent Behavior,† Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency 3, no. 1 (1966), pp. 7†“46; and of Sutherland and Cressey, Criminology, pp. 137, 220. 18. Cf. Larry Karacki and Jackson Toby, â€Å"The Uncommitted Adolescent: Candidate for Gang Socialization,† Sociological Inquiry 32 (1962), pp. 203–15; William R. Arnold, â€Å"Continuities in Research—Scaling Delinquent Behavior,† Social Problems 13, no. 1 (1965), pp. 59–66; Harwin L. Voss, â€Å"Socioeconomic Status and Reported Delinquent Behavior,† Social Problems, 13, no. 3 (1966), pp. 314–24; LaMar Empey and Maynard L. Erikson, â€Å"Hidden Delinquency and Social Status,† Social Forces 44, no. 4 (1966), pp. 546–54; Fred J.Shanley, â€Å"Middle-class Delinquency As a Social Problem,† Sociology and Social Research 51 (1967), pp. 185–98; Jay R. Williams and Martin Gold, â€Å"From Delinquent Behavior to Official Delinquency,† Social Problems 20, no. 2 (1972), pp. 209–29. 19. Empey and Erikson â€Å"Hidden Delinquency and Soc ial Status,† pp 549, 551. Nye, Short, and Olson also found destruction of property to be committed most frequently by upperclass boys and girls, â€Å"Socioeconomic Status and Delinquent Behavior,† p. 385. 20. Williams and Gold, â€Å"From Delinquent Behavior to Official Delinquency,† Social Problems 20, no. 2 (1972), pp. 209–29. 4 The Rich Get Richer and the Poor Get Prison 21. Gold â€Å"Undetected Delinquent Behavior,† p. 37. 22. Ibid. , p. 44. 23. Comparing socioeconomic status categories ‘scant evidence is found that would support the contention that group delinquency is more characteristic of the lower-status levels than other socioeconomic status levels. In fact, only arrests seem to be more characteristic of the low-status category than the other categories. † Erikson, â€Å"Group Violations, Socioeconomic Status and Official Delinquency,† p. 15. 24. Gold â€Å"Undetected Delinquent Behavior,† p 28 (emphasis added). 25. Ibid. , p. 38 26. Terence P.Thornberry, â€Å"Rac